This study seeks to explore the perspectives of Latine students at the University of Washington (UW) regarding racial representation within the institution. Do Latine students see their experiences and identities represented and reflected in university life? How do Latine students experience and perceive Latine representation (or lack thereof) in terms of the composition of faculty, student body, and community spaces at UW? This research project aims to uncover the realities, challenges, and promise of support and community on campus. Through interviews with Latine students, faculty, and staff, this inquiry will describe how students find support at UW and navigate their academic environment. To attain a comprehensive understanding, the research utilizes a combination of primary and secondary sources, incorporating interviews with Latine students, staff, and faculty at the UW to capture personalized and nuanced perspectives. By examining the lived experiences and perspectives of individuals directly affected, the study aims to thoroughly examine the complex dynamics at play. Exploring the lived experiences of Latine students, the study will contribute to the discourse on racial representation in academia and its impact on student well-being and academic success. The findings will inform discussions on how institutions can foster an inclusive environment that recognizes and supports the diverse backgrounds of all students. This research project has emerged from ongoing conversation and collaboration with the Washington State Commission on Hispanic Affairs members. This research project will inform the community report that the Commission is preparing.

The composition of metropolitan governance has many effects on land use decisions, budget allocations, housing development, transportation planning, and racial, economic, and social equity in urban areas. However, there has been little academic inquiry into the effect of regional governance structure on transportation accessibility. This paper seeks to examine statistical linkages between regional governance fragmentation and trends toward and away from greater transportation accessibility in metropolitan areas. I perform a comparative statistical analysis of 47 of the 50 largest Metropolitan Statistical Areas, examining census data from 2002 to 2022 and transit accessibility data from the University of Minnesota Accessibility Observatory from 2014 to 2021 to examine this relationship. The causal factor I investigate is metropolitan governance fragmentation, which I capture through a Governance Fragmentation Index (GFI). The dependent variable, transportation accessibility, is captured through an Accessibility Gap Index, which categorizes transportation access through accessibility levels throughout each Metropolitan Statistical Area, utilizing data from the Accessibility Observatory from 2014 to 2021. My analysis controls for potential confounding variables, such as geographic area, population size, poverty levels, and region. I expect to find that lower levels of governance fragmentation in a Metropolitan Statistical Area will be associated with greater gains in transportation accessibility. Whether or not a significant relationship is identified, the research conducted will contribute to literature and ongoing research surrounding metropolitan governance and transportation accessibility.

Over the past several years, the city council of Oxford, England has developed an environmental policy project named the Zero Emissions Zone (ZEZ) which seeks to establish an area in the city center where vehicles will be either prohibited or fined for through travel. The council conducted many studies on where the policy would most effectively reduce carbon emissions from private vehicle use and considered existing pedestrian-only areas for potential use. The policy has proven controversial in the community. There has not been significant research on the popularity of the policy and how environmental policies like the ZEZ affect the political beliefs of Oxford community members. I hypothesized that the ZEZ would be a popular policy on the whole with the primary opposition coming from those who utilize private vehicles as their primary mode of transportation in Oxford and that approval or disapproval of this policy will significantly affect one’s perceptions of the city council and political parties. Through an anonymous online survey, I collected data from respondents over the age of 18 who either work, live, or study in Oxford or the surrounding suburbs. Participants answered questions regarding their political opinions, views on the ZEZ policy, and how the policy has affected their politics. These questions sought to illuminate a connection between views on environmental planning policies and political perceptions in general. I expect the results to show that younger respondents, particularly those whose political beliefs are to the left of center, will approve of this policy, and by extension the city council, more so than older respondents. This research has implications for Oxford City Council and any others interested or intending to install or expand similar zones so that they may understand what impact it may have on local politics. 

The goal of The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is to prevent nuclear weapons proliferation, promote peaceful nuclear energy cooperation, and pursue global disarmament. Signatory countries meet every five years for the NPT Review Conference to assess the implementation of the treaty and strengthen its measures. The Preparatory Committees of the NPT are held three years prior to the Review Conference so signatories can discuss relevant topics. Studies on the NPTs effectiveness focus on non-proliferation compliance and overlook cooperation for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. In this study I map how the distribution of topics discussed in the Preparatory Committees change over time, how levels of state participation change over time, and if change in state participation in the Preparatory Committee correlates to increased transfers of nuclear reactor technologies. I employ a three-part approach in this study. First, I use topic modeling for categorizing the Preparatory Committee documents in seven categories. I assign the following labels to the categories by reading the most relevant documents in each one: Safeguards and Verifications, Non-Proliferation Policy and Disarmament, Conflict Resolution, Peaceful Nuclear Energy Cooperation, Implementation Assessments, New Initiative Proposals, and Logistics. Second, I generate “relevancy scores” between the names of the countries and the Preparatory Committee documents by using an embeddings model to quantify country’s participation. I then compare participation levels to nuclear technology transfers. Collectively, this research has shown that discourse on peaceful nuclear energy cooperation in the NPT forums often centers around the advancement of safeguards against proliferation. I also find that changes in participation do not correlate with changes in numbers of nuclear technology transfers. Thus, the NPT forums are platforms for dialogue on strengthening security against nuclear threats unrelated to tangible growth of peaceful nuclear technology usage.

Cybersecurity is one of the fastest-growing areas of study within the social sciences, as the internet is becoming an increasingly important piece of the international security system. Russia, along with the cybercriminal gangs that operate there, is one of the key global actors in cyberspace - making it crucial to research in order to better understand the global security landscape. My research centers on the governance structures that have emerged within cybercriminal organizations due to the anarchic, ungoverned nature of the internet. I am seeking to understand what structural factors prevent members of cybercriminal organizations from defecting, whether that be joining another organization or going to law enforcement. Traditional criminal organizations can rely on the threat of violence to prevent this type of defection, but due to their geographically dispersed nature and the anonymity the internet affords their members, cybercriminal organizations often have no way to credibly threaten violence. To understand defection and cybercrime organizations, I analyze the history of traditional criminal norms and traditions in Russia’s vorovskoi mir (thieves’ world) along with in-depth textual analysis of a trove of over 60,000 leaked internal chats from a prolific Russian ransomware gang with the use of natural language processing (NLP). I expect that my findings will show that cybercriminal gangs, without the threat of violence available to them, are forced to resort to positive incentives encouraging members to remain loyal. However, when these incentives fail, I expect to find that defections have very little impact on the overall functioning of the organizations. My research is aimed at contributing to a better understanding of the cybercriminal actors at large in our world today, and provides insightful observations about cybercriminal organizations that not only contribute to theoretical discussions but also have real-world policy implications.

Through the production of a 150-page policy report, our team analyzes international activity in the Arctic related to the loss of summertime sea ice that opens new shipping routes, creates new opportunities for research extraction, and dramatically impacts the way of life for Indigenous Arctic communities, notably the Inuit. In the past decades, the Inuit and other Arctic Indigenous peoples have organized and created for themselves significant political power, leading to self-determination and self-governance initiatives and involvement in the Arctic Council, which is the leading forum for decision-making on Arctic issues. However, the growing economic value of the region also attracts non-Arctic states like China, who want to become a part of decision-making discussions on the region and benefit from the seasonal open ocean in the future. Given the growing power of Indigenous peoples and growing interest in the region, our report addresses two questions: what impact and influence do the policies of Arctic Indigenous Peoples, particularly Inuit, have on the roles of nation-states including non-Arctic nations such as China? And what are the implications of China’s Arctic policy on Arctic Indigenous Peoples, Canada, the United States, and beyond? We use qualitative research methods, mainly the review of primary and secondary source documents that situate our analysis. Our report also draws on meetings with government agencies and indigenous organizations in Ottawa. We will produce a series of recommended policies and areas for further attention that are meant to inform and guide nation states and organizations as they engage in the Arctic. Our analysis of Indigenous and international relations in the Arctic is important because the Arctic represents a unique and unusually successful arena for cooperation between nation states, Indigenous representation, and other non-state actors. This cooperation will only become more vital as global activity in the region increases.

With this project, researchers for the Harry Bridges Center for Labor Studies from Seattle, Tacoma, and Bothell campuses seek to gain a better understanding of the intricate relationship that exists between the UW undergraduate experience and employment, as well as inform students on existing resources and support services both on and off campus. To sufficiently measure unique student experiences, we have sought survey responses through canvassing, contacting departmental and Registered Student Organization (RSO) listervs, and visiting in-person classes. Over the course of the past 6 weeks, we have made 73 points of outreach at the Seattle campus, 62 at Bothell, and 44 at Tacoma, resulting in 430 survey responses as of February 7th, 2024. Our Qualtrics survey will run through the end of winter quarter. We will then also offer paid interviews for 15-20 students to supplement survey data through further examination of survey themes and trends. Modeling UCLA Labor Center’s Unseen Costs: The Experiences of Workers and Learners in Los Angeles County, we will then compile our survey results and interview stories into a cumulative research report about why UW students work while pursuing their undergraduate degrees, what fields they have worked in, and any associated workers’ rights violations they may have faced while in these positions. With this research, we aim to create a more supportive environment for our student workers, and to help educate our respective campuses to meet their student body needs.

Why does human rights law fall short in protecting people from human rights abuses made by governments acting in the name of self-sovereignty? In this project, I analyze these questions in the context of human rights abuses, such as extrajudicial killings, false imprisonments, rapes committed by law enforcement officers, and forced disappearances in Panjab, India. To do so, I use official reports from non-governmental organizations, an original interview I conducted with a survivor of Operation Blue Star, which was an attack on one of the holiest shrines for Sikhs, process-tracing, and human rights legal analysis. After developing the political and legal framework, I present my research in the form of three narrative case studies. I argue that the acts orchestrated by the Indian government and the tactics they employed to eradicate Sikhs constitute genocide under human rights law. Nonetheless, Sikhs struggle in gaining recognition due to extreme efforts by the Indian Government to cover-up and malign the names of Sikhs through their own governmental groups, and an international political environment that discourages foreign governments from condemning Indian government actions. With the research conducted in this project, links between other human rights violation in India can be found. The lack of accountability of the Indian government in multiple cases can be uncovered, which will prove how even with the existence of human rights law, governments have the most power.

Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) is a hybrid regime, with common law legal systems inherited from its time as a British colony and simultaneously under the direct rule of the communist People's Republic of China (PRC). The HKSAR has a high level of autonomy from the PRC, enjoying many personal freedoms unknown to the rest of China: universal suffrage, the right to privacy, and an open internet. These values are encoded in its mini-constitution called the Basic Law which is modeled on the parliamentarian democracies of the Commonwealth nations. Since the United Kingdom handed over Hong Kong to the PRC in 1997, there has been a steady erosion of this autonomy and individual rights. These restrictions such as those on universal suffrage in selecting legislators and the Chief Executive implemented via PRC fiat culminated in the passing of a highly unpopular National Security Law (NSL) in 2020. The NSL criminalizes broad definitions of threats to national security, including supporting successionist movements whether “by force or threat of force” leading to the targeting of pro-democracy groups by the police. This research seeks to reveal the extent of the HKSAR government’s censorship of the internet and digital surveillance of its citizens since the passing of the NSL. By analyzing legal documents, news articles, cybersecurity reports, and academic sources this research has uncovered the legal and technical mechanisms that the HKSAR government has been utilizing to enforce the NSL. The report’s findings indicate that amendments to the data privacy ordinance, crowd-funding regulations, blocking of websites by internet providers, coercing of social media companies, and implementation of novel surveillance technologies have greatly reduced internet freedoms. These developments present a dilemma to the paradoxical socio-political structure of the city whose foundations are rooted in liberal legal traditions but face increasing interference in its governance by the PRC.

My research is an analysis of the pervasive issue of gender-based violence faced by women in India. Despite the presence of constitutional safeguards, the entrenched patriachal norms, and the prevalent misogyny in Indian society continue to deny women the healthy and peaceful lives they rightfully deserve. By analyzing pre-existing data along with data collected from interviews conducted with women between the ages of 35-45 from village Gumtala in Punjab, I have conducted a study to examine the relationship between postponed age of marriage and gender-based violence. It's through the lens of these women, I argue that decades of suppression in the name of culture have normalized violence against them. I conducted this study with careful consideration, ensuring that the questions posed in the semi-structured interviews were sensitive to the unique backgrounds and experiences of the women involved. Through the method of convenience sampling and qualitative analysis of interview data, I identified patterns of gender based violence and socio-economic factors. The results of my study suggest that early marriage not only increases women's vulnerability but also fosters economic dependence and social isolation of young brides that fuels the act of dowry practices causing marital abuse.These findings are not only essential in creating awareness regarding the vulnerable state of these women but also help me pose possible policy interventions by the Governmnet of India. My research has allowed me to argue how raising the legal marriage age for women to 25 mitigates gender-based violence, allowing women more time to pursue education and build financial independence before marriage. This study is an ode to all the women who are denied a voice.

Located in the Southern Pacific Ocean, American Samoa was formed nearly 400 thousand years ago due to hotspot volcanism. As these eruptions occur, ash and volcanic rock fragments settle and leave behind texture, roughness, and clast sizes that are identifiable using mapping techniques such as backscatter analysis. The 2024 Oceanography Senior Thesis cruise aboard the R/V Thomas G. Thompson, produced bathymetric and backscatter maps utilizing the Multibeam Kongsberg EA302 to identify the boundary of such deposits and the thickness of sediment that has been deposited on it, indicating relative age and formation of volcanic features on the seafloor. This study focused on the islands Ofu-Olosega and Ta’u, and we located several intact and exploded cinder cone. Sediment cores were collected to quantify the grain size of the basalt that erupted violently out of these hot spots. We hypothesized that the grain size would correlate with distance from the caldera, with larger clasts sinking closer to the eruption site, and fine sediment carried farther. This was found true, but there were also large grain sizes radiating away from the initial cinder cone site, indicating the presence of other eruptions on the seabed. Multiple landslides were documented on the southern and northeastern slopes of Olosega Island. These landslides display key features such as steep amphitheater headwalls, blocky ridges, and hummock aprons. The landslides were classified as either slumps or debris avalanches based on these characteristics and compared to other volcanic hotspot landslides within the Pacific region. We hypothesized failure deposits would be identifiable in the seabed up to 30 km away from the caldera, and found them to be graphically obvious for about 21 km.

From 2012 to 2022 violent crime in rural America has either increased or stayed above the national crime rate. At the same time, the amount of firearms in these counties rose dramatically while law enforcement expenditure and poverty reduction stagnated. I theorize that a combination of high poverty rates, increased firearm ownership, and fewer police has contributed to the increase in rural crime over the past decade. As the literature suggests, firearms make it easier to commit violent crimes, fewer police make crime harder to detect, and poverty pushes people into crime due to unstable living conditions. I will evaluate the effect of these three factors on rural crime rates by using FBI Uniform Crime Report, U.S Census Bureau, and RAND Corporation data to perform multivariate regression in order to determine causality. I expect to find a strong positive correlation between these three factors and the rural crime rate. I will use multivariate regression analysis to examine the influence of gun ownership, law enforcement spending and poverty on rural crime rates. By finding the causes of crime in rural communities, I will help identify the areas that local governments will need to address to solve problems of violence.

According to some measures, the United States has the largest economy in the world. Despite its massive gross domestic product, US citizens still face high poverty rates across states and counties. Why are there persistent poverty rates and why do they vary across the nation? To answer this question, I hypothesize a negative relationship between welfare spending and poverty rates. Welfare spending is one of the most direct ways that the government can provide money to people experiencing poverty. When people have their most basic needs provided, through welfare programs, they are significantly more likely to get out of poverty. To explore this relationship I use a multivariate regression, controlling for other factors that can impact poverty rates. Through testing this data, I hope to illustrate the importance of adequately funding welfare programs to reduce poverty across the nation. By increasing welfare spending individuals can get out of poverty and communities can thrive, improving the lives of all citizens.

While Tropical Storm Harold struck off the coast of Corpus Cristi, the Texas State Legislature ratified a bill effectively making their state a fossil fuel sanctuary. Scientists agree that the Deep South is one of the most vulnerable regions in the United States to climate change and the rise in climate-caused disasters. Why is it that despite being the most vulnerable region, the Deep South continues to offer pushback against climate mitigation? This research project attempts to understand the psychological components that induce preferences to policy. In the past, researchers have primarily focused on the economic lobbying power of Big Oil and Coal industries within jurisdictions. Utilizing rational choice theory, this project evaluates this puzzle from the perspective of voter preferences in response to economic reliance on the fossil fuel industry. The fossil fuel industry proves vitally important to local communities, providing jobs and resources. Using multivariate regression, I examine the effect of employment in the fossil fuel industry and reliance on nonrenewable energy within 467 different counties across the Deep South and other states. I weigh these results against possible other factors including partisanship, age, race, and vulnerability to observe if economic reliance accurately characterizes the misalignment observed within the Deep South. Based on previous literature and rational choice theory, I hypothesize that in counties economically dependent on the fossil fuel industry there will be less support for climate change legislation. Policy implications of this research include securing resources for communities threatened by a transition to renewable energy sources.

The European Union's (EU) New Pact on Migration and Asylum demonstrates the EU’s securitizing behavior towards migration. Current discussion surrounding the measures prevalent within the New Pact is primarily focused on the EU’s severity towards managing migration flows. While there has been a consensus on the inherent flaws of these extreme measures, previous research has taken the rationale behind the EU’s decisions for granted. The lack of clarification on the EU’s logic leads to a failure to explain why the EU continues to push this New Pact despite both the flaws present within it and the opposition to the pact by African nations directly affected by it. To illustrate the EU’s reasoning, I utilize discourse analysis of semantic structures and the use of metaphors in seven speeches made by key European Commission members on the New Pact. This process finds and measures the salience of the Commission members' ideations of an EU “home” that needs to be defended from threats to collective identity. These findings are supplemented by content analysis of European Newspapers to find underlying economic and political factors that also explain the EU’s stubbornness on the New Pact. The content analysis of articles will demonstrate why ontological insecurity has emerged as a problem now. My findings indicate that the European Commission members' refusal to adjust the New Pact is caused by a break in the psychological anchors that make people feel secure. Specifically, Commission members have been found to feel ontologically insecure when governing migration. They demonstrate the belief that migration flows are a threat to the EU’s collective identity and the idea of an EU “home.” To prevent a supposed deterioration of the EU “home” harsh policies such as the New Pact are passed to stem supposedly threatening migration flows.

Current research on substance use suggests a positive correlation between emotion dysregulation and cannabis misuse or cannabis use disorders (CUD). This study aims to identify which specific facets of emotion dysregulation increase CUD symptom severity. While previous studies using the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale (DERS) have linked overall composite scores of emotion dysregulation to CUD, there is a gap in the understanding of how individual DERS subscales relate to CUD, which limits our ability to develop targeted interventions. Young adults (N=68, Mage=23.7 years, SD=3.05, 54.4% female, 63.2% White) who reported using cannabis 2-3x/week or more in the past month completed measures of emotion dysregulation (DERS) and CUD (Cannabis Use Disorder Identification Test; CUDIT). To test associations between the 6 DERS subscales and CUDIT total score, we will first conduct bivariate correlations. If significant associations are found, we will conduct a multiple linear regression model to test which subscales best predict CUDIT total score. We hypothesize a moderate-to-strong correlation between the DERS and CUDIT scores, with Nonacceptance and Impulse control demonstrating stronger correlations. We also hypothesize that Nonacceptance and Impulse control subscales will most strongly predict CUDIT total scores. Results from the present study could help identify which of the emotion dysregulation subtypes should be targeted in future prevention and intervention efforts for young adults. If these findings are supported, additional efforts may want to teach skills to increase acceptance of emotional responses and improve impulse control. The proposed study is an important step in the treatment of cannabis misuse and CUDs as we will be able to narrow our aim toward isolated treatments to improve the livelihood of those involved.

Social connection is fundamental to human well-being, encompassing mental and physical health, and overall quality of life. The importance of forging deep, meaningful relationships is a key focus within relationship sciences. Evidence from 140 studies highlights the significant impact of loneliness on health, equating its risk to that of severe health behaviors and conditions, such as heavy smoking. This underscores the essential role of close relationships in maintaining health. The process of building these relationships, according to relationship sciences, involves mutual disclosure and perceived responsiveness. While extensively studied in individual interactions and laboratory settings, group dynamics remain less explored. Functional Analytic Psychotherapy (FAP), a treatment developed at the University of Washington that is practiced by clinicians worldwide, indicates that relationships strengthen when vulnerable disclosures are met with validating and compassionate responses. The principles of FAP, distilled into the concepts of Awareness, Courage, and Love (ACL) are now being disseminated to the general public through the ACL relational model. A randomized-controlled pilot study with 10 participants evaluated the impact of a three-week ACL group intervention on depression in a clinically depressed sample, using the Montgomery–Åsberg Depression Rating Scale for assessment. The intervention, focusing on exercises in self-disclosure, reflection, and compassionate response, demonstrated promising results. Participants showed significant reductions in depression symptoms and increased self-compassion compared to a control group engaging in self-guided, personally meaningful activities. This study indicates the potential of ACL group interventions in enhancing self-compassion and alleviating depressive symptoms, highlighting the importance of supportive group dynamics in mental health improvement. The findings advocate for the integration of relationship-focused practices in mental health interventions, emphasizing the value of vulnerability and mutual support in fostering psychological well-being.