The composition of metropolitan governance has many effects on land use decisions, budget allocations, housing development, transportation planning, and racial, economic, and social equity in urban areas. However, there has been little academic inquiry into the effect of regional governance structure on transportation accessibility. This paper seeks to examine statistical linkages between regional governance fragmentation and trends toward and away from greater transportation accessibility in metropolitan areas. I perform a comparative statistical analysis of 47 of the 50 largest Metropolitan Statistical Areas, examining census data from 2002 to 2022 and transit accessibility data from the University of Minnesota Accessibility Observatory from 2014 to 2021 to examine this relationship. The causal factor I investigate is metropolitan governance fragmentation, which I capture through a Governance Fragmentation Index (GFI). The dependent variable, transportation accessibility, is captured through an Accessibility Gap Index, which categorizes transportation access through accessibility levels throughout each Metropolitan Statistical Area, utilizing data from the Accessibility Observatory from 2014 to 2021. My analysis controls for potential confounding variables, such as geographic area, population size, poverty levels, and region. I expect to find that lower levels of governance fragmentation in a Metropolitan Statistical Area will be associated with greater gains in transportation accessibility. Whether or not a significant relationship is identified, the research conducted will contribute to literature and ongoing research surrounding metropolitan governance and transportation accessibility.

Over the past several years, the city council of Oxford, England has developed an environmental policy project named the Zero Emissions Zone (ZEZ) which seeks to establish an area in the city center where vehicles will be either prohibited or fined for through travel. The council conducted many studies on where the policy would most effectively reduce carbon emissions from private vehicle use and considered existing pedestrian-only areas for potential use. The policy has proven controversial in the community. There has not been significant research on the popularity of the policy and how environmental policies like the ZEZ affect the political beliefs of Oxford community members. I hypothesized that the ZEZ would be a popular policy on the whole with the primary opposition coming from those who utilize private vehicles as their primary mode of transportation in Oxford and that approval or disapproval of this policy will significantly affect one’s perceptions of the city council and political parties. Through an anonymous online survey, I collected data from respondents over the age of 18 who either work, live, or study in Oxford or the surrounding suburbs. Participants answered questions regarding their political opinions, views on the ZEZ policy, and how the policy has affected their politics. These questions sought to illuminate a connection between views on environmental planning policies and political perceptions in general. I expect the results to show that younger respondents, particularly those whose political beliefs are to the left of center, will approve of this policy, and by extension the city council, more so than older respondents. This research has implications for Oxford City Council and any others interested or intending to install or expand similar zones so that they may understand what impact it may have on local politics. 

The most prominent international organizations have emphasized their commitment in aiding the global transition to a carbon neutral world, which is estimated to cost hundreds of trillions of dollars. Despite these global efforts to mitigate climate change, countries, even when faced with similar levels of threat to climate disasters, prioritize the immediate issue differently. This study explores the relationship between economic security and state climate initiatives as a way to explain countries' varying commitment to climate change mitigation. While many scholars focus on the ability democracies have to combat climate change, I build upon and synthesize theories of economic opportunity, welfare programs, and class solidarity to hypothesize that both individual and state economic security impact states' prioritization of climate initiatives. I argue that economic security is a likely influence on the magnitude of effort which states put into climate initiatives, as it reflects both individual ability to safely fulfill essential needs and state ability to adapt capital. To test my hypothesis, I run a multivariate regression analysis to examine whether key indicators of economic security correlate to state carbon emissions per capita, controlling for regime type, institutional trust, political unrest, and median age of the population. I expect to find a negative relationship between economic security and state carbon emissions per capita. These findings would suggest that improving economic security is essential for the development and success of future climate initiatives. Understanding the underlying roadblocks of long term climate mitigation is crucial in guiding climate policy and optimizing climate aid.

The goal of The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is to prevent nuclear weapons proliferation, promote peaceful nuclear energy cooperation, and pursue global disarmament. Signatory countries meet every five years for the NPT Review Conference to assess the implementation of the treaty and strengthen its measures. The Preparatory Committees of the NPT are held three years prior to the Review Conference so signatories can discuss relevant topics. Studies on the NPTs effectiveness focus on non-proliferation compliance and overlook cooperation for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. In this study I map how the distribution of topics discussed in the Preparatory Committees change over time, how levels of state participation change over time, and if change in state participation in the Preparatory Committee correlates to increased transfers of nuclear reactor technologies. I employ a three-part approach in this study. First, I use topic modeling for categorizing the Preparatory Committee documents in seven categories. I assign the following labels to the categories by reading the most relevant documents in each one: Safeguards and Verifications, Non-Proliferation Policy and Disarmament, Conflict Resolution, Peaceful Nuclear Energy Cooperation, Implementation Assessments, New Initiative Proposals, and Logistics. Second, I generate “relevancy scores” between the names of the countries and the Preparatory Committee documents by using an embeddings model to quantify country’s participation. I then compare participation levels to nuclear technology transfers. Collectively, this research has shown that discourse on peaceful nuclear energy cooperation in the NPT forums often centers around the advancement of safeguards against proliferation. I also find that changes in participation do not correlate with changes in numbers of nuclear technology transfers. Thus, the NPT forums are platforms for dialogue on strengthening security against nuclear threats unrelated to tangible growth of peaceful nuclear technology usage.

Economic sanctions as a means of pressuring nations to improve human rights protections or end human rights abuses have become an increasingly common practice in recent years. Although the efficacy of sanctions for humanitarian ends remains under heavy scrutiny, the United States Department of State continues to both implement new sanctions and enforce existing policies of this kind. However, there is a notable discrepancy between regimes accused of human rights abuses by non-governmental organizations and those receiving these types of sanctions. This research aims to unveil potential factors that may explain this gap. I theorize that while investment and trade may protect a country from economic sanctions in an effort to keep certain markets open, past or present adherence to communist ideology increases the likelihood of receiving sanctions on the grounds that communism remains a perceived threat. To test my theories, I identify a set of countries that are currently verified by third party organizations as human rights violators. At this point, I conduct multivariate regression analysis to observe the relationship of both economic interest and conflicting ideology and the presence of sanctions citing human rights violations. While I expect to find that while both factors contribute to the presence of sanctions as outlined, I also theorize that economic interest will have a greater influence. This study serves to identify specific influences on sanctions that will enrich future discourse on their implementation.

Although oft-cited, the effects of campaign finance are neither well-understood nor well-evidenced; in particular, the supposed vote-buying motive --- contributions given with the expectation the recipient legislator will change their vote on specific bills --- lacks systematic evidence, and literature is mixed both in findings and in methodological quality. Nevertheless, since 2000 (before which much of the literature of “vote-buying” developed), gross campaign expenditures have exponentially increased; prima facie, this suggests that contributors expect returns to their campaign contributions and that (if their expectations are not systematically irrational) campaign finance does affect political outcomes. Building on the public choice theory of regulation, I theorize agents pay the cost of campaign contribution to produce political pressure on a recipient politician, who must then trade-off between the support of competing interest groups. Thus, it is expected that increased campaign finance contributions from interest groups that favor a bill’s passage are associated with a ceteris paribus increased likelihood of the recipient politician supporting the bill. Moreover, because interest groups are heterogeneous in their ability to generate pressure, the estimated treatment effect should systematically vary by contributor type. Previous literature has generally attempted to find statistical associations between contributions from a select few contributing groups and votes on a handful of selected bills (often selected because they are ex ante expected to give significant results), while also failing to incorporate adequate regression controls. Hence, this paper attempts to reconcile the literature’s differing results by using logistic regression to examine a large dataset of US House members’ legislative votes from 1980-2022 and concurrent campaign finance data. This paper's primary contribution is to extend current methods into a large-n analysis, the statistical strengths and methodological limitations of which are informative for future research into interactive mechanisms in economic theories of regulation.

With this project, researchers for the Harry Bridges Center for Labor Studies from Seattle, Tacoma, and Bothell campuses seek to gain a better understanding of the intricate relationship that exists between the UW undergraduate experience and employment, as well as inform students on existing resources and support services both on and off campus. To sufficiently measure unique student experiences, we have sought survey responses through canvassing, contacting departmental and Registered Student Organization (RSO) listervs, and visiting in-person classes. Over the course of the past 6 weeks, we have made 73 points of outreach at the Seattle campus, 62 at Bothell, and 44 at Tacoma, resulting in 430 survey responses as of February 7th, 2024. Our Qualtrics survey will run through the end of winter quarter. We will then also offer paid interviews for 15-20 students to supplement survey data through further examination of survey themes and trends. Modeling UCLA Labor Center’s Unseen Costs: The Experiences of Workers and Learners in Los Angeles County, we will then compile our survey results and interview stories into a cumulative research report about why UW students work while pursuing their undergraduate degrees, what fields they have worked in, and any associated workers’ rights violations they may have faced while in these positions. With this research, we aim to create a more supportive environment for our student workers, and to help educate our respective campuses to meet their student body needs.

Why does human rights law fall short in protecting people from human rights abuses made by governments acting in the name of self-sovereignty? In this project, I analyze these questions in the context of human rights abuses, such as extrajudicial killings, false imprisonments, rapes committed by law enforcement officers, and forced disappearances in Panjab, India. To do so, I use official reports from non-governmental organizations, an original interview I conducted with a survivor of Operation Blue Star, which was an attack on one of the holiest shrines for Sikhs, process-tracing, and human rights legal analysis. After developing the political and legal framework, I present my research in the form of three narrative case studies. I argue that the acts orchestrated by the Indian government and the tactics they employed to eradicate Sikhs constitute genocide under human rights law. Nonetheless, Sikhs struggle in gaining recognition due to extreme efforts by the Indian Government to cover-up and malign the names of Sikhs through their own governmental groups, and an international political environment that discourages foreign governments from condemning Indian government actions. With the research conducted in this project, links between other human rights violation in India can be found. The lack of accountability of the Indian government in multiple cases can be uncovered, which will prove how even with the existence of human rights law, governments have the most power.

From 2012 to 2022 violent crime in rural America has either increased or stayed above the national crime rate. At the same time, the amount of firearms in these counties rose dramatically while law enforcement expenditure and poverty reduction stagnated. I theorize that a combination of high poverty rates, increased firearm ownership, and fewer police has contributed to the increase in rural crime over the past decade. As the literature suggests, firearms make it easier to commit violent crimes, fewer police make crime harder to detect, and poverty pushes people into crime due to unstable living conditions. I will evaluate the effect of these three factors on rural crime rates by using FBI Uniform Crime Report, U.S Census Bureau, and RAND Corporation data to perform multivariate regression in order to determine causality. I expect to find a strong positive correlation between these three factors and the rural crime rate. I will use multivariate regression analysis to examine the influence of gun ownership, law enforcement spending and poverty on rural crime rates. By finding the causes of crime in rural communities, I will help identify the areas that local governments will need to address to solve problems of violence.

According to some measures, the United States has the largest economy in the world. Despite its massive gross domestic product, US citizens still face high poverty rates across states and counties. Why are there persistent poverty rates and why do they vary across the nation? To answer this question, I hypothesize a negative relationship between welfare spending and poverty rates. Welfare spending is one of the most direct ways that the government can provide money to people experiencing poverty. When people have their most basic needs provided, through welfare programs, they are significantly more likely to get out of poverty. To explore this relationship I use a multivariate regression, controlling for other factors that can impact poverty rates. Through testing this data, I hope to illustrate the importance of adequately funding welfare programs to reduce poverty across the nation. By increasing welfare spending individuals can get out of poverty and communities can thrive, improving the lives of all citizens.

My research is an analysis of the pervasive issue of gender-based violence faced by women in India. Despite the presence of constitutional safeguards, the entrenched patriachal norms, and the prevalent misogyny in Indian society continue to deny women the healthy and peaceful lives they rightfully deserve. By analyzing pre-existing data along with data collected from interviews conducted with women between the ages of 35-45 from village Gumtala in Punjab, I have conducted a study to examine the relationship between postponed age of marriage and gender-based violence. It's through the lens of these women, I argue that decades of suppression in the name of culture have normalized violence against them. I conducted this study with careful consideration, ensuring that the questions posed in the semi-structured interviews were sensitive to the unique backgrounds and experiences of the women involved. Through the method of convenience sampling and qualitative analysis of interview data, I identified patterns of gender based violence and socio-economic factors. The results of my study suggest that early marriage not only increases women's vulnerability but also fosters economic dependence and social isolation of young brides that fuels the act of dowry practices causing marital abuse.These findings are not only essential in creating awareness regarding the vulnerable state of these women but also help me pose possible policy interventions by the Governmnet of India. My research has allowed me to argue how raising the legal marriage age for women to 25 mitigates gender-based violence, allowing women more time to pursue education and build financial independence before marriage. This study is an ode to all the women who are denied a voice.

My research explores why conflict breaks out in some contexts but not others. Specifically, I question whether bilateral security agreements and democracy reduce the likelihood of conflict between states in volatile regions. First, I hypothesize that security measures reduce the likelihood of armed conflict because they prevent or reduce dangerous misperceptions, fear, and insecurity, which international relations and political psychology literature identify as catalysts of conflict. Second, I hypothesize that as the democratic health of states improve, the likelihood that they will engage in conflict decreases. This is because democracies share values and norms, institutional and public opinion restraints, and other entanglements that render conflict too costly to be in either’s interest. To test these hypotheses, I will compare bilateral relations between each state dyad in five historically volatile regions: the Middle East, Eastern Europe, the Balkans, Central Asia, and South Asia between 1990 and 2010. For each dyad, I will measure the number and severity of conflicts, the number and type of bilateral security agreements, and the democratic quality of each country. I will test my hypotheses by running statistical analyses including a multivariate regression, controlling for other confounding variables that may influence the likelihood of conflict. From my quantitative analysis, I expect to find that security agreements and democracy decrease the likelihood of conflict. This research is important because we have observed an increased prioritization of forming security agreements in western diplomatic relations during the 20th century as well as foreign policy guided by an understanding that democratic states are less likely to fight each other, especially during the Bush administration. If the US and West prioritize forming security agreements and promoting the spread of democracy, we should understand whether these truly increase security.

While Tropical Storm Harold struck off the coast of Corpus Cristi, the Texas State Legislature ratified a bill effectively making their state a fossil fuel sanctuary. Scientists agree that the Deep South is one of the most vulnerable regions in the United States to climate change and the rise in climate-caused disasters. Why is it that despite being the most vulnerable region, the Deep South continues to offer pushback against climate mitigation? This research project attempts to understand the psychological components that induce preferences to policy. In the past, researchers have primarily focused on the economic lobbying power of Big Oil and Coal industries within jurisdictions. Utilizing rational choice theory, this project evaluates this puzzle from the perspective of voter preferences in response to economic reliance on the fossil fuel industry. The fossil fuel industry proves vitally important to local communities, providing jobs and resources. Using multivariate regression, I examine the effect of employment in the fossil fuel industry and reliance on nonrenewable energy within 467 different counties across the Deep South and other states. I weigh these results against possible other factors including partisanship, age, race, and vulnerability to observe if economic reliance accurately characterizes the misalignment observed within the Deep South. Based on previous literature and rational choice theory, I hypothesize that in counties economically dependent on the fossil fuel industry there will be less support for climate change legislation. Policy implications of this research include securing resources for communities threatened by a transition to renewable energy sources.

The Great Recession was one of the most devastating economic downturns experienced in the United States since the Great Depression. However, the rate at which states recovered from the crisis varied drastically across the country, with some states recovering in less than a year while others languished for over five years. While many previous scholars have explored the structural, demographic, fiscal, and other conditions of states leading into the Great Recession and their impact on recovery, this paper explores the impact of a variety of state fiscal policy decisions while actively in the recession and their impact on economic recovery. To conduct this study, I examine the relationship between the change in several state fiscal policy indicators – including tax, expenditure, and budget indicators – from the start of the recession to the trough, and the rate of recovery measured in the number of months for the state to recover fully from the recession. I conduct a multivariate regression analysis to determine the relationship between my selected indicators and the rate of recovery while controlling for various factors that previous scholars have identified as having a potential impact on recovery, including state economic composition, relative federal stimulus, and more. I expect to find a positive relationship between general increases in tax revenue, increases in expenditures on welfare, and a more equal ratio of revenue to spending and a faster recovery (a lower number of months to recovery). The findings of this study will contribute to informing improved strategies for state policymakers as they navigate fiscal policy decisions during future recessions.