This research project explores disenfranchisement in America. Today, citizens living in unincorporated US territories (Guam, Northern Marianas Islands, US Virgin Islands, Puerto Rico, and American Samoa) are considered “second-class Americans,” having all other fundamental rights as mainland Americans do except federal voting rights. To help understand this phenomenon, this project examines the circumstances under which the political elite had extended suffrage or had established additional protection for minority voters since the early 1900s. Since then, women, African-Americans, 18-year olds, and citizens living in US territories have used different movement techniques and strategies to achieve suffrage, such as establishing conventions, organizing violent and nonviolent protests, and committing to quid pro quo services like serving the country in times of war. This closes in on a theory where political will—defined as the mobilization of mass movements to gain the right to vote—helps explain why Congress votes to extend suffrage to previous disenfranchised groups. This variable is operationalized by counting the number of organized events and the number of people in the group lobbying for suffrage during the year prior to a congressional vote on the floor. I hypothesized that the greater amount of political will present in a year, the more bills will be introduced in Congress. The time frame of data used in this project is from 1910-2015. This presentation can serve as a guide to explain when suffrage extension happens, and what disenfranchised groups did to get what they wanted from big government.

Over the last 10 years, the number of undocumented immigrants in the United States has gradually begun to decline for the first time in decades. While previous research has looked at this change in the rate of undocumented immigrants across the country as a whole, there is very little information on how or why these trends have changed within and across states. Yet, some states are losing more undocumented immigrants than the nation as a whole, and some states still have a growing undocumented immigrant population. Why has the rate of undocumented immigration dropped so much more in particular states since the mid 2000s, when compared to the national rates since the same year? To answer this question, I employ statistical methods and examine the relationship between the number of undocumented immigrants within a state, as well as state immigration legislation. I expect that the number and severity of state laws regulating or deterring undocumented immigrants corresponds with a more significant drop in the number of undocumented immigrants.

In the past three years of developing my skills and enriching my knowledge as an artist, I have worked mostly with clay to express my ideas through wheel throwing. I enjoy the feeling of creating forms in the moments of spinning as my fingertips move. Abstracted forms emerge by capturing these feelings, actions and moments in my life. Though life is full of many things, I am interested in isolating what is essential and finding ways to express this in my thrown forms, and their arrangement with each other. The subtle relationship between objects and how they are perceived in a space is essential. Nothing is superficial: the scale, the shape, the lip, the surface, lighting, the height and spacing. Composing an installation through the placement of distinct forms is one of the most important aspects of my artwork because it exemplifies the relational characteristics of living things that inspire me from daily life. Clay is malleable, responsive and resilient - it offers the possibility of continually reconsidering and reinventing forms.