With the swift integration of cellphone technology into our daily lives, people are becoming uncertain regarding the norms restricting cellphone use in certain places. This research asks: Are there generational differences in perceptions of informal norms surrounding how individuals should use mobile phones in social spaces? I hypothesized that today’s Millennial generation, who were born into the era of the Digital Age, will have a significantly different understanding of informal norms surrounding cellphone usage when compared to those who came of age with minimal exposure to mobile phones, particularly the Baby Boomer generation. I predicted that the Millennial generation would have more lax cell phone norms in comparison to their older cohort. For example, the younger cohort may perceive that mobile phones can be used in movie theaters while a movie is playing, whereas the Baby Boomer generation may regard this behavior as impolite. I interviewed approximately twenty subjects in Seattle; ten University of Washington undergraduate students from the Millennial generation and ten people from the Baby Boomer generation. The implications of my results provided some insight into how the two generations perceive the acceptance of cellphone use in social spaces and whether the difference in perceptions may be generational.

This study examines the uses and needs of Third Avenue, in downtown Seattle, from Stewart Street to University Street in pursuit of possible solutions to the area’s historically bad reputation and general misuse. Using two sociological theories, Collective Efficacy and Broken Windows Theory, we examine how the social and physical attributes of Third Avenue contribute to crime and social disorder, and exacerbate the negative reputation of the area. Drawing from direct observations, interviews with key stakeholders and analysis of existing crime and transit data, we propose the main social issues of Seattle’s downtown arise from three meta themes. First, we identify four distinct user groups and discuss how the disproportionate presence of these groups impacts public perception and experience of the area. Next, we bring attention to the significant gap between the perception and reality of crime on the street; a gap that is not present when analyzing social disorder. Third, we highlight physical attributes of Third Avenue incongruent with a positive experience and inhibiting the use of existing amenities. Ultimately, we recommend improvements to both physical and social attributes to increase social engagement and decrease disorder.

As social movements, technology, and political periods change through time, so does the young adult and their personal values. However, since the industrialization of the United States, one of the most enduring facets of American society is its system of capitalism and the overemphasis on having, or striving for, a materialistic lifestyle. With that being said, it has been found that one of the major drivers of change in personal values is materialism, and my study shows what effects materialism has on peoples' life goals and what life goals my sample has. The purpose of my study is to explore, using a convenience sample of Bemidji State University (BSU) students, how a materialist identity (or lack thereof) affects BSU underclassmen life goals (such as private wealth, self-fulfillment, family life, and public interest), using the 1991 Easterlin and Crimmins study for comparison, and as a way to see how levels of materialism have changed over time.

 In the last decade, and especially since the 2013 Supreme Court Ruling on Shelby County, AL v. Holder, there has been amplified discussion of voter access policies- particularly those potentially restrictive in nature. Much of this discussion has been centered on the supposed need for photo identification, shortened registration and voting periods, and the efficacy of absentee ballots. The discussion of these policies is in direct contrast to the movement to expand voting rights of the 1990s and largely anecdotal in nature. Never the less, many states have considered or adopted more restrictive policies. Using Census data, this paper will utilize regression analysis to examine the effect of voter ID requirements, limited registration and voting periods, and absentee-only balloting on turnout rates by state across race, age, and income groups in General Elections from 1992-2012. Researchers undergoing similar types of analysis have found the policies in question to have non-appreciable or no effects on total turnout rates, but have neglected to consider potential disparate impacts upon certain groups. In addition to considering such impacts, this paper will also examine factors that lead states to consider restrictive policies, such as rising minority populations or swing-state status. Research into voting practices has obvious policy implications and is particularly relevant as we approach the 2016 Presidential election.

Asians have been one of the fastest-growing populations to immigrate to America for over a century. As a marginalized minority, they still face a variety of problems, including, but not limited to, dehumanizing stereotypes, questioning of citizenship, and alienation from social expectations. Studies on ethnic populations have divulged Asian American and other minority experiences, focusing on what it means to be discriminated against. In discrimination against Asian Americans, certain stereotypes can easily be misinterpreted as positive, painting Asians as ideal students, laborers, or spouses. However, such stereotypes are too incorrect to be useful, in that they put unreasonable ideals and expectations on Asians, meanwhile glossing over the realities of anti-Asian racism. American colleges and universities have taken measures of varying degree to address and better accommodate minority groups. Even with universities implementing diversity pedagogies and equal opportunity policies, problems with racism and alienation for Asian Americans may remain salient. If Asian American college students experience racism, are there common themes of discrimination that come up when they talk about their racial experiences? Additionally, are these stereotypes and themes shared amongst ethnic groups? This qualitative research takes an ethnographic approach by interviewing Asian American college students about their experience as self-identified Asian Americans. These interviews are transcribed and coded, by highlighting themes consistent with those found in past literature, including common stereotypes and degrees of racism severity. Ascription to the popular stereotypes, including the “model minority” and “perpetual foreigner” stereotypes, are predictably a commonplace occurrence throughout the lives of Asian American students, while degrees to which the racism occurs – from aversive to more overt actions – may vary amongst individuals. This ethnography is inspired by the need to further address experiences of discrimination within Asian American populations, in order to better define their place in the racism literature.

In a country with constantly changing demographics - the non-Hispanic whites are predicted to lose their majority by 2043 (US News, 2013) - the world of academia has remained somewhat stagnant: in 2009, women made up 43% of full-time faculty while 75.5% were white, and in 2005, faculty of color makeup 17% of the total full-time faculty (Department of Education, 2009). Using data from the Faculty Network and Workload Study, which was collected in 2011 and is comprised of 766 faculty from a large Mid-West University in the United States, my research examines differences in the perceived fairness of tenure/promotion decisions and service assignment rotations in order to get a better understanding of the varying experiences within academia across race and gender. Findings show that under-represented groups (women and nonwhite faculty) perceive less fairness compared to white men. Some, but not all, of these differences are explained by network size (measured by the number of faculty in the department who the respondent identified as a friend or the number of other faculty members who identified the respondent as a friend), perceptions of the effectiveness of institutional policies, and workloads for service and teaching.

My research uses the Italian state to address the consequences that historic regionalism have on political performance. I examine the effects of historic regional identities that have led to a political climate wherein regional schisms hinder Italy’s political performance by limiting political efficiency and democracy. Using historical comparative research methods I evaluated a variety of archival data and secondary sources from various historical accounts to quantify the existence of regional disparities. Then I examined Italy’s modern state performance via two qualities: efficiency and democracy. Political efficiency and democracy are important factors in measuring political performance as they relate to state effectiveness and popular representation. Strong regional identities and disparities are correlated to a lack of political efficiency and democracy in the case of Italy. The Italian case study is then contextualized, as I compare the historical rates of regionalism and contemporary political performance in a handful of other Western European states. With further research regarding the relationship between regionalism and political performance, broader conclusions may be made about present and future state performance by examining historic regional divergences.

Homosexual adoption in the United States is at the hands of state laws. In states where the laws do not specify whether or not this form of adoption is allowed, the decisions on the matter tend to rest in the hands of judges. This research then investigates what accounts for differences in gay adoption rates after adjusting for differences in laws. In addition to laws, there are various components of state society that impact gay adoption rates, including, culture, economics, and politics. While each one could have a substantial impact on homosexual adoption rates, political climate may be especially impactful. For example, a state that has more conservative judges will have lower rates of adoption than a majority of liberal judges. Using a state-level data set constructed from multiple state and private sources, I use multivariate linear regression models to examine the role of culture, politics, and economics in gay adoption rates. In these models, cultural climate is measured by hate crime prevalence and religiosity, economic climate is measured by education level and rate of urbanization, and political climate is measured by social movement prevalence and the proportion of conservative judges. The research will convey the importance of societal factors outside of the law that have an impact on homosexual adoption rates. This research can serve to inform policies and other government interventions that can be made to account for the factors that influence adoption success.