The study of capital punishment ultimately comes down to matters of life or death, and this fundamental concept is reflected by the ferocity of the debate over its legality. With the high stakes of this debate, national polls dating back to the 1930s have been quantitatively tracking public opinion on this issue. National poll data on capital punishment provides an excellent opportunity to examine the important relationship between state policies and public opinion over time. Currently, the vast body of research has been concentrated on identifying national demographic variables associated with support for capital punishment, and the influence of opinion on policy. However, there has been little research considering these variables at the state-level of analysis. Furthermore, few studies have researched the directional influence of policies on opinion. The objective of this study is to determine how state variables and policies including: violent crime rates, number of executions, and number of exonerations explain fluctuations in public opinion over time. The findings suggest a positive relationship between violent crime rates and support for capital punishment over time. There also appears to be a positive relationship between the number of executions and support for capital punishment; in other words, as the number of executions increases so does the support for capital punishment. Lastly, the support for capital punishment was found to decrease over time with increasing number of exonerations. The narrower focus of this state level analysis is important to examine underlying trends in public opinion, which may not be captured with nation wide studies.

The Greek sovereign debt crisis has required controversial bailouts, austerity measures that have caused Greek citizens to riot in the streets, and tense political negotiating in the Eurozone. However, it is only one part of a larger problem of economic stability and political unity facing the European Union (EU) today. My research, then, seeks to answer three main questions: (1) what were the causes of the Greek sovereign debt crisis, (2) what are the potential policy solutions to the Greek debt problem, and (3) what are the implications of these policy proposals on the future of the European Union as a whole? Using an institutionalist approach, which emphasizes the role of institutions in determining the rational decisions of political actors, I analyze both the policies of the EU (in bailing out and financially strengthening Greece) and the institutional defects of the Eurozone (i.e., the European Central Bank has limited power and banking regulations are still national). I evaluate proposed solutions according to which would present the greatest benefits for the fewest costs, in terms of democratic legitimacy, economic competitiveness and efficiency, and political feasibility. My research finds that the Greek debt crisis was caused largely by incentives created by the European political environment and by the institutional structure of the EU’s Economic Monetary Union. Thus, to move forward, the EU must take an active role in restructuring its institutions to promote both economic and political convergence. Correspondingly, it must develop strong political leadership, a polity that identifies with the European project, and a democratic process that provides democratic legitimacy without forgoing its technocratic efficiency.

Public policy affects nearly every aspect of life in the United States. These policies are set largely by legislatures and originate in the policy ideas proposed by individual members. In studies of how policy ideas become law, the archetypical unit of study is the bill. However bills are imperfect indicators of the progress of policy ideas—individual policy ideas may progress even when the original bill does not. This paper uses computational methods to isolate policy ideas in the over 114,000 bills proposed since 1993 before tracing the progress of those ideas through the legislative process. The success of members in pushing individual bills is often equated with their efficacy in the legislative machine. I anticipate that a study of the progress of policy ideas, rather than bills, will demonstrate that policy influence is more widespread in Congress than existing research suggests. The results of this initial study will serve as the foundation for broader research projects examining agenda setting and representation in Congress.

Foreign aid can be used to positively change the economic, environmental, and security realities of an individual country or region. However, the complex nature of global systems means that foreign aid can also have unintended consequences. This paper focuses on the unintended consequences of Plan Colombia for the Latin American drug trade. Plan Colombia was initiated in 1999 with the intent to disrupt the Colombian drug cartels and decrease Colombian drug production. From 2001 to 2009 drug-related killings in Mexico increased from 1,080 per year to a staggering 6,587. From 2002 to 2006, homicides in Colombia declined by 40% and kidnappings decreased by an astounding 80%. . During a similar time period, from 2001 to 2009, drug-related killings in Mexico increased from 1,080 per year to a staggering 6,587. The apparent inverse relationship of violence indicators in Colombia and Mexico suggests that a common event could have caused the change in both countries. The literature on the subject posits that Plan Colombia catalyzed the unintended shift of drug related violence from Colombia to Mexico, however these claims have not been quantitatively investigated and warrant further investigation. In my investigation of this question I analyze patterns of drug production and violence over time to test alternative hypotheses for this shift. Increased understanding of how international aid influences global systems far removed from a target country or region will enable the United States to more effectively accomplish its foreign policy goals.

Immigration law is developed and enforced through cooperation between the state and federal government. There are times when the state legislature creates laws that supplement federal policies in order to conduct immigration enforcement unique to their situation. A state’s public perception regarding immigrants can result in the legislature drafting pro-immigrant or anti-immigrant policies. Previous research by Merkowitz and Yoder (2009) discusses how the U.S. national legislature responds to public opinion about immigrants. They find legislatures are influenced by demographics of their districts. This research will examine the state legislature of Idaho and its response to public perceptions about immigrants. I will be testing to see if immigration policy is a function of the following variables: party affiliation, state demographics, and regional industries. Each variable will be tested independently while controlling for other potential explanatory factors. I will get data for this analysis this summer by conducting a survey using a sample of Idaho state legislators, advocacy groups, and special interests that represent the state’s participants on immigration policy making. In addition to the survey, I will make an analysis on how legislators vote on immigration related legislation from the years 2000 to 2010. Finally, I will create an index that will determine if the responses from the survey and a legislator’s votes are pro-immigrant or anti-immigrant. I will define if a legislators pro-immigrant or anti-immigrant by how far their proposals deviates from current federal immigration policy. I expect the results will show that the state legislature responds more to the state’s demography and economy than the legislator’s party affiliation. The results from this research will reveal who are the primary actors in Idaho’s immigration legislation process. The results will show if there is a difference between the national legislature’s reaction to public pressure and how Idaho’s state legislature reacts.

Historically, if an individual entered the U.S. without authorization it was not considered a criminal offense. Today the term “illegal immigrant” is commonplace; with many simply assuming this is how it has always been. "Crimmigration”refers to the phenomenon of increasing overlap between criminal and immigration law, procedures, and enforcement mechanisms.Using newspaper articles, this research identifies the percentage share of crimmigration discussion in several major news outlets as a proxy for the climate of public opinion.This study analyzes the changing rhetoric of immigration since WWII. Through an investigation of newspaper articles, this research examines whether economic downturns have contributed to the criminalization of immigration debates in the public sphere. I expect to find that economic factors are important predictors of the prevalance of crimmigration-related articles, after controlling for the other explanations suggested by past research, such as changes in immigration law.

Latinos are the largest and fastest-growing majority in Washington State, but over the past thirty years they have been systematically underrepresented in local office. This research focuses on city council and school board races across the ten counties which have the largest Latino populations, and the resulting report is the first to document the severe history of Latino underrepresentation in Washington. Through the same surname analysis used by the Department of Justice in its investigations of racially polarized voting, we analyzed the precinct-by-precint electoral results and found that Latino candidates are routinely defeated by non-Latino candidates. Previous studies have demonstrated that at-large elections - which are used in more than 90% of Washington's local races - tend to dilute minority votes and depress minority representation when minority candidates run against majority candidates. We found that Latinos win far less than half of their races against non-Latinos, suggesting that the extensive use of at-large elections has been combined with racially motivated voting patterns to systematically deny Latino candidates local office. Through interviews with Latino leaders and prominent members of various communities in Yakima County, we also found that Latino communites face more than just structural barriers to effective political participation and proportional representation. Our findings strongly suggest that the Revised Code of Washington ought to be amended to allow local jurisdictions to move away from at-large elections, that local jurisdictions should strive to provide more bilingual services, and that community organizations ought to prioritize the cultivation of local Latino leaders. This report was written as part of the State of the State for Washington Latinos project, which is an ongoing community-based research program at Whitman College. Our research was conducted in partnership with the National Voting Rights Advocacy Initiative.

In the aftermath of the Cold War an evolving international economy brought about many changes for countries with transitioning economies. The difficult work of properly guiding transitioning economies through the radical changes required of shifting from command to market economies is not easily undertaken and many mistakes are made throughout that process. By untangling the nexus of political and economic reforms that transitioning economies go through we can achieve more accurate understandings of how transitions occur and can in turn attempt to avoid some of the mistakes made in the past. This paper hypothesizes that the greater the liberalization speed of a transitioning economy the more corrupt the economy and associated political system will be. Contrary to prior examinations of corruption, this paper contends that the nature of transition determines to a greater extent the causes of corruption than does historical or institutional factors about the state itself. The guiding theory behind my hypothesis is that reforms implemented over a short period of time are more susceptible to politically turbulent conditions which will cause elites to attempt to consolidate power via illegal means out of fear that they may lose their position of power in the near future. By comparing the speed of liberalization in several transitioning economies to the rates of corruption in those economies I attempt to demonstrate a causal link between the rate of liberalization and corruption.  

The 2007 financial crisis and subsequent recession in the United States has brought the political economy of unsustainable debt to the forefront of the minds of people everywhere in a way not seen in decades.  This paper will delve into the puzzle of why neither dominant political party has been able to institute the recommendations of the four highly regarded debt and deficit reduction commissions in light of their general consensus regarding goals that need to be met in order to avoid a currency crisis.  We ask the question: Why has the Congress of the United States failed to enact measures to reverse the trajectory of the triple deficits of the United States (fiscal, trade, unfunded liabilities) and thereby avoid this crisis?  Our hypothesis is that decades of continued entrenchment of budgetary, trade, and social policies led to gridlock.  We will investigate the coalitions that have formed around the aging baby boomer population, national health care, and national defense.  First, we will discuss the recommendations of the various commissions.  Second, we will review the literature regarding the interests and coalitions within representative bodies contending with looming fiscal imbalances. Third, we will analyze the interest groups, coalitions, and beneficiaries of inaction at this particular time and relate this to the previous literature review.  Finally we speculate as to what would be necessary for congress to act, and what are the likely scenarios if congress fails to act. Having done so, it is our hope that we can provide policy makers and constituents with a deeper understanding of the political-economic problem that the country faces.

Does foreign direct investment lead to female empowerment, or does it lead to female exploitation? I address this question by analyzing how the maquiladora program, manufacturing operations based in Northern Mexico that employ large numbers of women, operate in free trade zones. I argue that the culture of patriarchy produces new forms of female exploitation in the workplace. Through an extensive review of available literature and news media, my findings indicate that despite increased wages and economic independence, along with increased life satisfaction among women who are young, single and childless, those with families often find themselves facing a double burden of having to work and fulfill their traditional domestic responsibilities. Such women are often made to feel guilty for not spending enough time with their children and some endure physical and sexual intimidation both at work and at home. In addition, maquiladora work is dis-empowering for both childless women and mothers because of patriarchal relations in the workplace that lead to isolation and a lack of self-identity (conscious awareness of the self as having a unique identity). For example, women face forms of harassment, including questions regarding their sexual practices, pregnancy screening prior to employment, sexual objectification in the form of workplace beauty contests, sexual propositioning and unsafe working conditions. As a result, women are less likely to unionize and tend to accept work assignments and conditions men are less likely to accept.