Traditional classical guitar making heavily relies on the use of precious wood and animal materials, many of which are endangered. These materials are illegal to trade under the CITES Treaty (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna) and the U.S. Lacey Act which have unintentionally shifted material demand to countries of weak legal enforcement, resulting in environmental degradation. I would like to examine different factors involved through a production function, which comprises organization, technology, human capital, physical capital, labor, and natural resources to suggest a better institutional arrangement for classical guitar making. I will also gather historical data on Brazilian Rosewood, an essential material in guitar making. This will include its relative price to alternatives, its users, and the tree population to examine what is at stake. I predict that a better-designed international legal institution will facilitate the process of conservation while redressing the issue of resource limitation. Next, the formation of an international de facto standardizing institution will emerge to facilitate certification and ecolabeling programs, and incentivize sustainable forestry and business through market force. Furthermore, an increase in demand will lead to acoustic and construction technology advancement to remedy resource deficit. Through examining guitar making, I hope to propose a model for sustainable business and to tackle challenges in resource management for an ever increasingly populated world.

In the failed state of Somalia, piracy is increasing exponentially, impacting all nations that engage in trade or travel in the region. The economic and human cost of piracy is sure to rise as the situation devolves into maritime terrorism. Although current anti-piracy efforts are moderately successful, there is room for improvement. This report has thoroughly researched the situation to create one comprehensive source for understanding piracy in the Horn of Africa. Research methods included reviewing secondary source material, in addition to interviews with professionals working in counter-piracy efforts and with Somalis in the United States. The coordinator of the U.S. Office of Counter-Piracy and Maritime Security, Donna Hopkins, and her team provided assistance through interviews, contacts with people working in Somalia and around the world, and other valuable sources. The research was compiled into a task force report that provides recommendations for the U.S. State Department, and for other organizations involved in counter-piracy efforts. The following recommendations provide alternative courses of action to address current imperfections in the international architecture’s counter-piracy campaign. Social media should be utilized to launch an anti-piracy information campaign that engages the vast Somali Diaspora. Because piracy is a land-based problem with a maritime manifestation, a grassroots approach to address the land-based causes of poverty and political instability must be instated. National prosecutions and detentions should be supported and facilitated through new international legal frameworks. Passive defensive measures must be expanded on commercial vessels and armed guards should be utilized. The three parallel naval forces patrolling the area are insufficient protection against pirates and must be consolidated into one international force. Finally, the U.S. must expand its diplomatic engagement with regional governments in Somalia through imams and clan elders if the fight against piracy is to succeed.

As hundreds of thousands Pakistanis inundated the cities of Lahore and Karachi to hear the rising cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan speak, commentators and politicians alike were left baffled: how did the peripheral figure and his respective party become a formidable voice in Pakistan’s politics within a few months? This paper will argue that the ascension of Imran Khan’s party, the Tehreek-e-Insaaf, can be attributed to its adoption of Post-Islamist rhetoric of religiosity and rights, which came to be publicly appealing following the formation and failure of the Islamist conglomerate the Muttahida Majles-e-Amal. Due to Postcolonial Pakistan’s institutional divide between State and society, as well as Islamism’s failure to bridge such a gap, Pakistan is experiencing a Post-Islamist turn, where a novel relationship between political institutions and the public sphere is being negotiated. In conclusion, this paper will contend that Post-Islamism may prevail given Pakistan’s pre-existing democratic institutions.

In the wake of the Ottoman Empire, Mustapha Kemal sought to modernize the republic of Turkey, ushering it head-first into the 20th century. His manifested ideas resulted in a huge departure from the country’s Ottoman past. An officer in the Ottoman military, Kemal viewed the empire as decadent and corrupt, embarking on a journey of reformation that altered the future of Turkey forever. Independence and democracy were at the forefront of Kemal’s mission, and in Kemal’s mind these pursuits were inseparable from secularism and nationalism. Kemal claimed that politics corrupted religion and that only secularism could restore purity to Islam in a post-Ottoman world. However, the 1970’s saw the rise of the National Order Party, an Islamist political group. Unfortunately for the ambitious party, unrest and a failing economy framed their rise to power and in 1980 the military took control of the government, claiming that the Islam in government was unconstitutional. The military used Kemalism to legitimate that, and several future coups even though Kemal himself stated that the military should also be separate from politics. The resulting struggles between Islamic groups and the Kemalists saw the rise of the AKP, a group composed of Islamist actors. The AKP has straddled the fence between secularism and Islam, promoting social, democratic, and economic growth. The argument proposed shows how Muslim leaders have moderated themselves and become the heirs to Kemal’s Revolution by following Kemalism's tenets for modernization: republicanism, statism, nationalism, popularism, revolutionism, and secularism. By examining the current economic and political academic discourses concerning Turkey's historic and current events I am able to contradict the debated notion that assumes that Islam and democracy are not compatible while taking it a step further to assert that a party with Islamic roots has continued one of the most successful revolutions in history.

Urban women’s boycotting of the 2005 elections in Iran cleared the way for hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s ascension to the presidency and a subsequent regression in women’s rights. This serves as an entry point to an understanding of the intricacies of a feminist movement in which women subjected themselves to an ideologically conservative president as part of a conscientious and contentious strategy for achieving equal democratic rights. If not through formal politics, what articulations and organizational capacities are available to and employed by women to demand and influence reforms within an Islamic Republic? This paper will examine three facets of the women’s movement in Iran; first, the role of women in mobilizing support for and successfully electing the reform candidate Mohammad Khatami to the presidency in 1997, and how the successes and failures of reform politicians and women in government reflected the limits of formal politics to elevate Iranian women’s rights through legislation from 1997-2005. Second, the paper will address how Iranian feminists have employed an Islamic justification for women’s rights that is both compatible with the prevailing Iranian politico-religious context, and useful in reconciling secular and Islamic feminist perspectives under a common cause. Finally, the implications of various feminist approaches to engaging in “informal” politics will be explored; specifically, the organizational structures supported through the use of new media that mobilizes feminist solidarities and collective action, pressuring the Iranian regime from within and without. The efforts of Iranian women reveal a movement that is not content with gradually reforming within, or conforming to, a restrictive legislative process; rather, Iranian feminists have adopted an Islamic modernist position focused on the removal of religious authority from the state, based on the recognition that the achievement of a fully democratic political space is fundamental to the adaptability and sustainability of the women’s movement.

Since the attacks on September 11, 2001 the international eye has fixed on the effects of political Islam and the impacts that transnational Islamic organizations such as al Qaeda have on global politics. A critical impact of transnational Islamic organizations is their involvement and impact on nationalist struggles. By using Chechnya as a case study this paper analyzes the effect of transnational Islamic organizations, in particular al Qaeda, on a nationalist struggle. This project is the result of my extensive research and a peer review process in an attempt to understand how nationalist struggles are changed by transnational Islamic organizations. Chechnya has been fighting for independence from Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union in two separate wars. Al Qaeda started to become involved in Chechnya after the first Chechen War of Independence and their presence has caused dramatic changes. During the Second War for Chechen Independence there was a dramatic shift in both ideology and practices by the Chechens. New organizations, such as the Islamic International Brigade (IIB) appeared and preached a hard line of fundamentalist Islam in addition to carrying out violent attacks in the name of Islam and Chechnya. Their tactics shifted from local guerilla warfare to grandiose terrorist plots within Russia proper, including taking over a school in Beslan which resulted in the death 300 Russians. In addition to the large scale attacks suicide bombing became a technique the Chechens used, though there is debate on whether this is the result of al Qaeda. My research studies how the battle for Chechnya changed from nationalism to jihad, and how this case study can shed light on the question of how transnational Islamist organizations impact nationalist struggles.

Historically, Islamist leaders — from the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt to the Jamaat e Islami in Pakistan and Bangladesh — have insisted that Sharia law is applicable to the modern nation state without political molding. Upon obtaining political power, however, they have always significantly moderated their conservative religious politics and adjusted their ideology to pragmatic realities. In my research, I ask what happens when an Islamist group does not moderate their politics to match political realities. I argue that any Islamist group which does not align their ideology with pragmatic realities after achieving power is destined to become a failed revolution. To test this theory, I analyzed the Afghan Taliban, a group which made no attempt at altering Sharia law to meet political demands domestically and internationally. Ultimately, this led to their deterioration as a political party. Through this, I conclude that it was the direct implementation of politically unmodified Sharia law which undermined their once robust popular support and lead the regime on a path to collapse. In turn, this paper implies that a government truly based upon Qu’ranic law is not sustainable in the modern world. In my research I relied entirely on an extensive literature review. I reviewed the premier literature on Islamist movements in and out of Afghanistan, as well as extensively on the history and ideology of the Taliban revolution in Afghanistan. Additionally, I reviewed Theda Skocpol’s theory on revolution to place the failed Taliban revolution in the frame-work of contemporary social science.

 Amongst other struggles, providing health care suitable for its population's needs remains a major challenge for Nigeria as a nation today. To assess the health of the population and the use of health care services, Nigeria's National Population Commission carried out Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) in 1990, 1999, 2003, and 2008. Knowing that several states in Nigeria have populations dominated by one of the three major ethnic groups, my project used DHS data to examine how state of residence influences health measures, controlling for all other relevant factors. I used the ordinary least squares - multiple regression method in order to separately analyze the degree of influence each independent and control variable has on determining the aggregate health measures of each state. The health measures I focused on include child malnutrition and diarrhea, female circumcision, and maternal health behavior. In the past, studies have consistently revealed that amongst the three nationally dominant ethnic groups, Hausa people suffer the worst health measures for children and mothers; however, mixed results exist for how well Yoruba and Igbo communities fare relative to each other. This study aimed to clarify the relationship between Yoruba and Igbo dominated states using data from Nigeria's most recent and largest nationally representative sample yet - DHS 2008. I hypothesized that Igbo-dominated states fare worse than Yoruba-dominated states, because the Biafran War mostly damaged infrastructure in "Igboland", and reports indicate that the Yoruba region stands more highly urbanized today, which suggests greater postwar fitness. I also hypothesized that as the number of minority ethnic groups a state hosts increases, the worse the state-level health measures will be, according to predictions from social disorganization theory. If my results support my hypotheses, then Nigeria's future health initiatives should consider health disparities along lines of ethnicity and ethnic diversity within a state.

This paper critically analyzes the social and economic effects of a local business process outsourcing center, or BPO, B2R in three towns (Letybunga, Reetha, and Orakhan) in the state of Uttarakhand in India . This research intends to provide an understanding of the implications globalization has within rural communities, specifically for young women. Through participatory observation as well as qualitative and quantitative data gathered during semi-structured interviews, this project analyzed the changing perceptions of the community, employees, and the family members of employees towards B2R, its employees, and its effects on the community. Our primary goal was to better understand what people perceived as the positive and negative social and economic changes in the region brought on by development, specifically the addition of B2R. Our research sheds some light on changing gender and family dynamics in the region as young women increasingly enter the formal workforce.

With the rise of Islamist parties to power in Egypt, the question of how women will be affected by the Islamist agenda has gained new urgency. This research project examines the rise of Islamic health services as well as several Islamist political movements in Egypt in order to assess how women are affected by these phenomena. Governmental Egyptian health services have declined in both quality and quantity since the establishment of the Nasserist welfare state during the 1960s. Services affecting women, in particular, have varied in coincidence with the state’s pattern of repression, supervision and cooption of healthcare organizations in the Parallel Islamic Sector. Islamic hospitals and clinics, some affiliated with Islamist political organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood, have grown in popularity and influence during the past several decades. I discovered through my research that Islamic and Islamist health clinics consistently out-perform the state in the provision of health services to many Egyptians, and generally provide high quality, modern and Western medical care. This trend towards religiously influenced healthcare provision raises several important concerns for women’s health in Egypt, as Islamist organizations promote female domesticity and oppose reforms to personal status laws seeking to improve protections for women within marriage bonds. My exploration of these diverse aspects of Islamic healthcare in Egypt will illuminate how these parallel institutions have substituted for and subsequently challenged the legitimacy of the state in providing healthcare to Egyptian women.

 Data visualizations are representations of data that reveal multivariate relationships of local and global health structures, where other visual tools have limited analytical capabilities and/or require expert research practices. I am working to start a digital initiative to create such an emerging tool to be used by social scientists, students and journalists through the Knowledge Network of World Events (KNOW) interactive website. This project involves the development of a data visualization that facilitates a deeper understanding of health disparities of the epidemic crisis of malaria in Uganda while providing insight into overlooked distribution patterns and treatments that will be summarized in a Global Fund proposal. Using international data bases such as World Health Organization (WHO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), and country reports, I identify various visual tools, social determinant factors, and news stories to be compiled into an annotated library that is structured into a framework on the KNOW project website. The expected result is a means for Jackson School educators to structure a curriculum around contextualizing news stories, for students with little knowledge in advanced research methods and finding diverse sources, and for journalists reporting global health issues.

Warming temperatures and the declining extent of sea ice are encouraging economic development in the Russian Arctic. The Russian Federation’s implementation of a foreign policy which places priority on sustainable socio-economic development, and protection of indigenous peoples and environment, surprised many within the international community. The strengthening of the indigenous voice in Arctic governance is another significant recent transition. Indigenous peoples have gained the status of Permanent Participants in the Arctic Council, which is a high level intergovernmental forum for the Arctic region. My scholarly research aims to examine achievements by the indigenous peoples to ensure sustainable socio-economic development in the Russian Arctic. My work highlights ways in which indigenous peoples are utilizing customary international law and diplomacy to shape state policies. This research project uses four indigenous organizations as case studies to illustrate the evolving role of indigenous peoples in governance of the Russian Arctic. By examining the high degree of participation and political agency wielded by these non-traditional actors, it is clear that a paradigm shift in governance is taking place. This shift is one which marks the end of the strictly state-centric model of international relations towards a more cooperative and multi-lateral global political arrangement.

Monocrops, genetically engineered organisms, pesticides, dumping, hunger; these ominous words haunt the conscience of the modern food critic and have become increasingly widespread with a renewed focus on local organic farming. In contrast to the menacing tones of conventional agriculture, the alternative agriculture movement offers its own lexicon of inviting adverbs: sustainable, local, environmental, organic, healthy, etc. However, the average age of the American farmer is 57. If family farms and the alternative agriculture movement are to continue, they need to attract young people to take on the physically demanding work of farming. Young, socially conscious, and driven apprentices offer some of the best possibility of continuing and growing these types of farms. How apprentices learn to farm directly informs their knowledge of agriculture and their desire to continue participating as farmers or food activists. My research, focused in the Puget Sound Region, asks whether or not apprenticeships provide participants with the skills and encouragement to continue their involvement in the movement. Over the last five months, I conducted ethnographic research in farms, conferences, and workshops. Additionally, I conducted eleven interviews with young farmers transitioning away from apprenticeships and four interviews with farmers who host apprentices. Each hour-long interview was either conducted in person or via phone. In some cases, I followed up with interviewees via email to clarify certain points. Participants were selected based on their involvement as apprentices on Western Washington farms smaller than 50 acres. To analyze data, I transcribed the interviews and coded participants’ motivations and experiences. The results have revealed how apprenticeships entail a complex political commitment that exists at the intersection of race, class, and gender. My presentation will explore the political nature of apprenticeships to help think about how they represent a new way to understand agricultural labor relations.

 REDD+ stands for reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, plus enhancement of carbon stock and preservation of ecosystem services. The REDD+ program in Indonesia is designed to reduce emissions by aligning development and market incentives with environmental protection. REDD+ is one of the strategies that the Indonesian government is implementing to meet its CO₂ reduction targets presented by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Indonesia’s strategy for REDD+ is an ambitious attempt to involve many stakeholders in reducing CO₂ emissions from deforestation. Indonesia is currently working to implement REDD+ in accordance with the internationally recognized 3E criteria of effectiveness, efficiency and equity. This report, based on extensive interviews with stakeholders at all levels of REDD+ implementation, describes the current state of REDD+ implementation in Indonesia and makes policy recommendations for how the international community can best support Indonesia’s efforts to reduce its emissions from deforestation.

Since political violence first broke out in 1999, Côte d’Ivoire has experienced a drastic loss of medical equipment, drugs, and skilled health personnel. Two civil wars in the past decade have posed significant challenges to outside intervention from international NGOs, and the weakening economy has provided little support for a state-funded health system. Currently, Côte d’Ivoire suffers from some of the highest maternal and neonatal mortality rates in the world, resulting from problems ranging from infection and hemorrhages to the compound effects of malaria, malnutrition, and HIV/AIDS. My research responds to these challenges by exploring what would be needed in a grant proposal to The Global Fund, a global funding agency that supports the fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis in developing countries. Of the thirteen Global Fund grants approved for Côte d’Ivoire in the past, none specifically address the problems of maternal and neonatal mortality. This project aims to understand why this gap in maternal and neonatal care persists and how it can be diminished in the context of political instability. To assess the efficacy of attempts to address health care gaps in Côte d’Ivoire, I analyzed the interventions currently in place to see if they were meeting their established goals and if not, why. Building upon this data and development theory, I created a proposal for improving maternal and neonatal mortality through a self-sufficient system that can remain in place should political violence persist. Preliminary research suggests that weak medical assistance is a leading cause of birth complications. Increased health monitoring during and immediately following pregnancy, as well as greater education for mothers on the crucial steps during this time period are vital to reducing mortality. Establishing self-sustaining health systems that are resilient in the face of violence and political uncertainty is invaluable across the developing world.